Review of: Irvine Welsh, Glue. New York: Norton, 2001.
- There's a passage in Bill Buford's celebrated account of football violence, Among
the Thugs, that is relevant to the question of Irvine Welsh's Scottishness. Buford is on the
Italian island of Sardinia, amidst a rioting crowd of hooligan inglesi, fleeing from the police
in the aftermath of a 1990 World Cup match between England and Holland:
Then I collided with the people near me. Someone had brought the crowd to a stop. I
didn't understand why: the police were behind us; they would appear at any moment.
Someone then shouted that we were all English. Why were we running? The English
don't run.... And so it went on. Having fled in panic, some of the supporters would then
remember that they were English and that this was important, and they would remind the
others that they too were English, and that this was also important, and, with a renewed
sense of national identity, they would come abruptly to a halt, turn around, and charge the
Italian police. (Buford 296)
Questions of national identity are at the center of Buford's book. An
American, writing about British football, he observes that hooliganism
runs through concentric circles of club, city, caste, and country. But
given that the ne plus ultra of football violence is the foreign
campaign--the "taking" of a Continental city--Buford's analysis
necessarily privileges the great circle of nationalism: "The effect was
immediate: these were no longer supporters of Manchester United; they
were now defenders of the English nation. They had ceased to be
Mancunians; in an instant, their origins had, blotterlike, spread from one
dot on the map of the country to the entire map itself" (38-9). Hooliganism
has been described as "the English disease." And so, in Among the
Thugs, football violence becomes the privileged sociological lens
through which to view the post-industrial unmaking of the English working
class: "a highly mannered suburban society stripped of culture and
sophistication and living only for its affectations: a bloated code of
maleness, an exaggerated, embarrassing patriotism, a violent nationalism,
an array of bankrupt social habits" (262).
- Substitute "Scotland" for "England" and Buford's dystopic
sociology will serve as a fair entrance-point to the world of Irvine
Welsh's Glue, a novel with much to say about football,
violence, "codes of maleness," and the fate of four working-class men as
they come to adulthood during the 1980s and '90s. Of course, it would be
foolish to link Buford and Welsh without some strong sense of the
difference between Scottish and English class and sporting cultures.[1] What is more significant, however, is
that both Glue and Among the Thugs are texts
trapped endlessly between national and "post-national" interpretive and
structural imperatives. For if Buford's Manchester United fans fill out
their
identities, "blotterlike," to color the entire map of England, then it is
also true that this is a nationalism subject to some of the most
profoundly internationalizing forces in the contemporary world. The plots
of both texts depend fundamentally on mass international travel: budget
airlines, the package tour, and the Continental "weekender." Both texts
are written under the sign of the 1992 Maastricht treaty, which abolished
immigration and labor controls between most European countries, creating a
class of "Eurotrash" itinerants--both poor and wealthy--and giving fits to
Continental policemen, struggling to separate law-abiding vacationers from
an impossible-to-define "hooligan element." Finally, both hooligans and
literary cognoscenti revel in the recent unprecedented expansion
in European and international cultural events, whether Glasgow Celtic vs.
Juventus of Torino or a city-break to the new Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao.
This last phenomenon gets great comic treatment in Glue, when
Welsh's protagonists--in Munich for the Oktoberfest beer
festival--crash a cultural reception of the "Munich-Edinburgh Twin Cities
Committee."
- Though he barely addresses it outright, the
Europeanization of England is the ever-present determining context for
Buford's narratives. The single market is a political economy that his
motley crew of electricians and skinheads struggles to comprehend, yet
knows
intimately: "I thought: this is a parody of the holiday abroad. Except
that it wasn't a parody. This was the holiday abroad.
Their dads, they kept telling me, never had a chance to see the world like
this" (Buford 54). For Welsh, and Glue, the tensions between
nation and post-nation are more complicated, in part because of
the long struggle between Scottish nationalists and an Anglocentric
cultural and political elite; for whereas the "Other" of English
nationalism has usually been found across the Channel, the Scottish have
always found their antagonists closer to home.[2] But such tensions are also due to Welsh's
increasingly certain status as a representative Scottish author--a
celebrity of Scottishness whose every character, setting, and incident will
be put through the mincer of a cultural media which demands authentic
national types even as it writes endless obituaries for the idea of the
nation itself.
- The worldwide success of J. K. Rowling's Harry
Potter series means that Welsh is no longer the best-selling
novelist identified with Edinburgh but, adolescent wizards aside, no other
Scottish writer has equivalent celebrity and none has gone so far to upset
common perceptions of Scotland as a land of heather and history. Welsh
has often appeared in the major newspapers and magazines as an avatar of a
new, harsh, and dole-queue-glamorous Scottishness. He is a twofold
prophet, national and international at once: a spokesperson for
post-Thatcherite parochial youth culture, buoyed up by the global success
of the scene that he documents and promotes. Welsh upsets the genteel
notions of tartan traditionalists yet, inevitably, the new Scotland he has
anatomized over the last decade is immediately marketable as a new
national type, his vision of a growing but underrepresented subculture
coming to dominate, for a while, the calcified history of Old Caledonia.
The irony is that Trainspotting, a novel that scorns "ninety
minute patriotism"--the duration of an international football
match--survives in the popular mind as a portable symbol of Scotland.
What price Renton's (self-)loathing for a nation that let itself be
"colonized by wankers"?
- Glue is the first Welsh novel since the
frankly awful Filth. Its main advance over that abortive
satire on the police is that Welsh has toned down some of the
overly psychologized experiments in typography and narrative form that
worked well in the short stories of The Acid House but never
synthesized with the claustrophobic character-study at the heart of
Filth. Glue has all the drugs-'n-sex-'n-violence
of any Welsh tome, but tries less hard to be obviously literary. It is
the longest Welsh novel, yet little is wasted; it has generational
ambitions--being the life story of four men, set in Scotland, Germany and
Australia--but never loses sight of its roots in tribal, parochial,
friendships. Welsh is very much a popular author, in literary as well as
commercial terms. Besides being full of black-hearted belly laughs, the
great strength of Welsh's best stories is that they bring the traditional
values of narrative prose--revealing character through action and
dialogue--to a proletarian and pop-cultural scene badly in need of the
kind of unsanctimonious comedy and pathos at which he excels. Here's
Gally, the tragic anti-hero of Glue, in bed with Sharon,
having recently discovered that he's HIV-positive:
When she started kissing ays deeply ah thoat for ah while ah wis
somebody else. Then it came back tae ays exactly who ah wis. Ah telt her
she wis hingin aboot wi rubbish, n ah included maself in that, n told her
she wis better thin that and she should sort it oot. (192)
Gally is the misfit, the bad luck charm; contracting HIV is not even the
end of his Job-like litany of misfortune. There's something
unbelievable--melodramatic and formulaic--about so much misery and
mischance: Gally is the original scapegoat, the communal raw nerve. But
there's also real pathos in his story and narration: a tenderness and
insight that are rarely mawkish and which derive in large part from
Welsh's suturing of idiom and consciousness. When Sharon finally
understands why Gally won't have sex with her, she reveals her own secret:
Her sweaty face pulled away fae mines and came intae view.--It's
awright... disnae matter. Ah sortay guessed. Ah thoat ye kent: ah'm like
that n aw, she told me with a mischievous wee smile.
There wis no fear in her eyes. None at all. It was like she was
talkin aboot bein in the fuckin Masons or something. It put the shits up
me. Ah goat up, went through, and sat cross-legged in the chair, lookin at
ma crossbow oan the waw. (193)
Gally has only ever wanted to be "somebody else" and the last thing he
desires is to hear the words "ah'm like that n aw." Such a blank and
fearless statement of affinity can only ever "put the shits" up a man with
such depths of self-loathing and denial. Still, there's time for a joke
at the expense of Masons--and so, by extension, all Protestants and fans
of Glasgow Rangers F.C. Reading these passages, it helps to link the
paradox of Welsh's Scots to the paradox of Gally's mind. Both are
decidedly parochial, forged out of a restricted vocabulary. But they
are also surprisingly rich, endlessly comic and pathetic--mined from some
cosmic source of narrative rogues and dialect one-liners.
- Welsh is not the only Scottish author writing in
vernacular language, but he's among the very few with anything like a mass
audience. It's difficult to know whether non-Scottish readers come to
Welsh because of his Scots, or in spite of it. It is a problem that
bothers the American media in particular.[3] Here's a comical exchange from a 1998
Time interview with Welsh; the question of language bleeds,
inevitably, into the question of audience and sales:
Q: Are you afraid that you have fewer American readers than you would
if you didn't write in Scottish dialect?
A: Yeah, I'm doing a reading tonight, and nobody's going to
understand a word.
Q: I haven't understood anything you've said. I'm going to have to
make most of it up. Oh, well, thanks anyway. (Stein)
Either way, Welsh's work draws attention to its Scottishness as a matter
of language; as always, writing in Scots begs very basic questions
of writing itself. Is using the "national" tongue a necessarily
nationalist gesture? Is Anglophone Scottish writing a contradiction in
terms? And in Scotland, which is the national tongue anyway? Is it
Scots, the traditional language of the Lowlands, derived from Northumbrian
Anglo-Saxon? And if so, shall we prefer Welsh's Edinburgh vernacular to,
say, the Glasgow Scots of James Kelman's Booker-winning How Late It
Was How Late? If we privilege longevity over popularity, shall we
fasten on the Scottish Gaelic of the Highlands and western islands? And
there are other alternatives, ancient and modern: Hugh MacDiarmid fused
medieval Scots and contemporary coinage with the fruits of 19th-century
etymological research, creating a literary language of a mobile and
synthetic kind; Robert Alan Jamieson has written a series of novels and
short stories which collectively mine and record the mixed Scandic-Scots
vernacular of Sanni communities in the Shetland Isles of the far north.
- And what of English, that thousand-pound gorilla? Almost
every Scottish author since the Reformation has written in English, to
greater or lesser degree--and usually greater. Linguists can identify
multiple dialects of Scottish English, including a Scottish Standard
English to set against the dialect of the southern metropolis; English has
been the language of church, court, and school for over 400 years; and so
for every writer who talks of escaping the shadow of Anglophone cultural
authority, there's another who'll celebrate the wholesale Scottishing of
British English--a language confidently mastered and manipulated by
Scottish writers from Burns (Robbie) to Burns (Gordon). It's a
sociological fact one can trace through the Scottish education system,
where a side-effect of programmatic Anglophonization was a level of
popular literacy far higher than in the linguistically homogeneous south.
Scottish intellectuals likewise take pride in the fact that the academic
study of English language and literature was pioneered in Scotland's
ancient universities. In the twentieth century these Scottish
universities blazed a trail in the revivification of Scottish literature;
in the eighteenth, they gave witness to "The Scottish Invention of English
Literature."[4]
- There are solid historical reasons for this duality.
Cairns Craig, the general editor of the standard multi-volume history of
Scottish literature, talks of Scottish literature existing "between
cultures rather than within a culture" (3). Scottish writing necessarily
partakes of the postcolonial politics that propels African writers like
Ngugi wa Thiong'o to reject the language of Empire. But the Scottish
situation
is peculiar because "Scotland was an active partner in the extension of
Empire that made English a world language, while at the same time, in its
own linguistic experience, it shared the experience of the colonised"
(Craig 5). This is a reality that Welsh recognizes: "I really like
standard English but it is an administrative language, an imperialist
language." Nevertheless, his abandonment of the standard-English first
drafts of Trainspotting is a decision he justifies in
aesthetic, rather than wholeheartedly political terms: "It's not very
funky" (O'Shea and Shapiro). While the sometimes-hostile press reaction
to Welsh's Scots reminds him of his political affinity with a vernacular
writer like Kelman, this is one more author who wants to have his
Anglophone cake and eat it too.
- Welsh's decision to write much of his fiction in the
argot of the Edinburgh streets and schemes resurrects these historical and
linguistic questions, now spun and counter-spun by the political economics
of market globalization.[5] More than
anything, his commercial success testifies to the groundbreaking work done
since MacDiarmid inaugurated the modernist "Scottish Renaissance" program
of revivifying the vernacular in the 1920s. But what of Welsh's Scots?
What are its literary qualities? In the first place, his use of Edinburgh
Scots is not especially innovative. His dialogue has a satirical bite
missing from the late Romantic-era novels of James Hogg and Walter Scott,
but doesn't add much more to their technical example, using Scots largely
as an indicator of social standing. Instead of the literate shepherd who
betrays his peasant origins when he opens his mouth, meet the Pilton
schemie, his Edinburgh accent flashing through the neutral English
narration of "The Acid House":
Then the rain came: at first a few warning spits, followed by a
hollow explosion of thunder in the sky. Coco saw a flash of lightning
where his glowing vision had been and although unnerved in a different
way, he breathed a sigh of relief that his strange sighting had been
superseded by more earthly phenomena. Ah wis crazy tae drop
that second tab ay acid. The visuals ur something else.
(Welsh, Acid House 153)
In "The Acid House" working class characters speak Edinburgh Scots, while
the narrator takes on the standard English of the bourgeois citizens who
have, through a coincidence of lightning and LSD, given birth to a baby
with the mind of a football hooligan: "This is fuckin too radge, man, Andy
conceded,--cannae handle aw this shite, eh" (167). Throughout Welsh's
writing, Scots is identified with spoken language--if not
dialogue then interior monologue, the speech of the thinking mind. More
often than not, the two registers are drawn together. In the opening of
Glue, a man is leaving his wife and family, nervous during
this last public outing as a nuclear unit:
Henry Lawson shuffled around to check who'd heard. Met one nosy gape
with a hard stare until it averted. Two old fuckers, a couple.
Interfering auld bastards. Speaking through his teeth, in a strained
whisper he said to her,--Ah've telt ye, they'll be well looked eftir.
Ah've fuckin well telt ye that. Ma ain fuckin bairns, he snapped at her,
the tendons in his neck taut. (6)
The narrative slides toward Scots as it moves toward Henry's speech. The
passage opens with two relatively standard English sentences, plainly
descriptive; but by the third sentence the narrative point-of-view is
Henry's--though we remain in standard English, there's no doubt about
who's calling whom an "old fucker." The next sentence even more plainly
belongs to Henry; and as we move closer to his next vocalized thought, the
English word "old" mutates into the Scottish "auld." The narrator needs
just one more descriptive connector before Henry's self-justifying rage
can be given full throttle in the vernacular. As in much purportedly
vernacular fiction, third-person omniscience requires the (seeming)
authority and (seeming) transparency of administrative English, while
Scots marks a register that is simultaneously social and subjective.
- It would be a mistake, however, to confuse the innately
realist signifying-effect of Scots dialogue with a similar commitment to
naturalist realism--telling it like it is, in the words of the street.
According to The Guardian newspaper, the 2001 Edinburgh Book
Festival saw Ronald Frame lump Welsh's writing among the "cliched brand of
novels celebrating such dark subjects as cannibalism, necrophilia and
sado-masochism." Frame has been joined in the attack by the poet Kenneth
White, who accuses Welsh of serving-up the "remains of last night's fish
supper, sauced up with sordid naturalism." But this is sour-faced and
misplaced criticism. Welsh is no "dirty realist" after the fashion of
Americans like Raymond Carver, still less some sort of S&M Zola. As he
says in response to Frame and White, "I've never thought of myself as a
realist. I don't think that talking tapeworms and squirrels is all that
realistic" (qtd. in Gibbons). Judging by his published remarks, Welsh's
chosen American precursor is William S. Burroughs, another prophet of
chemical communities; but Welsh's writing is most fully in the tradition
of the "Caledonian Antisyzygy," as identified by G. Gregory Smith in 1919.
According to Smith, Scottish literature is marked by one overweening
characteristic: the union of opposites such as the known and unknown,
quotidian and fantastic, standard and vernacular, genteel and vulgar. This
involves a linguistic, stylistic, and generic commitment to existing--as
MacDiarmid put it--"Whaur extremes meet" (87). Welsh's writing is nothing
if not extreme: an always raw collage of generic mixing, surrealist
fantasy, everyday bother, and hallucinatory black humor.[6]
- And yet, despite the omnipresent excesses of Welsh's
prose, Glue is largely constructed around friendships and
human encounters. It boasts no talking tapeworms and its realism is
interrupted not so much by fantasy and hallucination but by the sense that
we've heard these stories before. The main characters are novel versions
of familiar types: Gally, the victim of a schoolyard code of
Omerta that he upholds but never controls; Billy, the loner who
finds success and single-mindedness in sports and business; Juice Terry,
hapless burglar, incorrigible dole-ite, and awesomely successful Don Juan;
and Carl, a dreamer, lost in music and the excesses of life as an
international DJ. As in most coming-of-age narratives, these are lives we
can chart on mirror-image x/y graphs: a rising line on the graph marking
social standing almost inevitably implies a fall in the chart that grades
happiness, contentment, and the good feelings of friends left behind.
It's not that Glue is unoriginal but that its familiarity
moves it in the direction of urban folklore, so that even the novel's more
improbable moments, like Terry's night out with an American R-'n'-B star,
read like excursions into a well-established narrative sociology. In the
case of the Sherman chanteuse,[7] the
thematics of high versus low cultures is a direct repeat from the
brilliant short story "Where the Debris Meets the Sea." In that ironic
set-piece, Kim Basinger, Madonna, Kylie Minogue and Victoria Principal
lust over magazines stuffed full with working-class Edinburgh man-meat: "A
pile of glossy magazines lay on a large black coffee table. They bore
such titles as Wide-o, Scheme Scene and
Bevvy Merchants. Madonna flicked idly through the magazine
called Radge, coming to an abrupt halt as her eyes fastened
on the pallid figure of Deek Prentice, resplendent in purple, aqua and
black shell-suit." This abrupt reversal in the sexual economy of pop
culture is cemented by Welsh's decision to make his Hollywood stars speak
broad Scots: "'We'll nivir go tae fuckin' Leith!' Kim said, in a tone of
scornful dismissal. 'Yous are fuckin' dreamin'" (Welsh, Acid
House 87-88, 92).
- Some reviewers have interpreted such echoes as evidence
of repetition. Tired of tales told from nightclubs and housing schemes,
reviewers have begun to dismiss Welsh as a one-trick pony. I generally
enjoy the folkloric repetition that is increasingly a part of Welsh's
fiction--fans of serial fiction will be pleased to hear that he is penning
a sequel to Trainspotting--and despite all the excess of a
book like Glue the pleasures it gives are ultimately ones of
recognition, as when the protagonists of earlier novels show up in cameo
roles. Glue's argot and setting are familiar by now. The
individual lives of the four friends are given structure by their similar
movement out-and-back--an actual or metaphorical journey away, and the
journey home. Glue ends with homecomings, both literal and
symbolic, where an Oedipal politics of masculinity and maturation tries to
crowd-out the vicissitudes of the nation. It closes with the death of one
character's father, shared grief mending damaged friendships. The dead
man was the symbolic father of the group, an apologist for youth and the
author of their childhood code of silence and loyalty. By closing with
this death, Glue's narrative takes on a generational and
patrilineal shape.
- One can see Welsh, and perhaps his audience, getting
older. More seriously, we can see how the strength of Welsh's fiction,
and perhaps the source of its greatest popular appeal, is its study of the
formation and deformation of tribal groups, as familial, musical, and
pharmacological subcultures come to dominate--and now find some
accommodation--in their struggle with (and within) traditional allegiances
of class and nation. Trainspotting, for instance, is much
more than days-in-the-life of a group of smack addicts: it documents the
breakdown of the social and cultural bonds made by shared experiences of
childhood, drugs, city, and nation. Like the middle section of
Glue, its narrative charts the movement from punk rock and
heroin to techno and MDMA. This cultural movement is itself predicated on
a simultaneous physical movement away from the symbolic geography of the
Scottish nation. Renton escapes first to London and the burgeoning club
scene, then finally into European anonymity, flush with the drug money he
stole from his friends, heading for a life outside of Scotland and the
provinciality of its capital city. One can, it should be admitted, read
even Renton's narrative as a national allegory--Welsh's use of Scots makes
that almost inevitable. And despite its ultimately Oedipal structure,
it's clear that Welsh also sees Glue as an allegory of the
nation--one that, this time, ends happily in New Caledonia, friends
gathered round the big multi-cultural mixing desk of devolutionary
Scotland.
- Welsh wants to have it both ways; Scotland, that
antisyzygetical nation, insists on it. The Scotland that we see in
Glue is both newly confident and newly irrelevant. Welsh's
characters are unabashed national stereotypes, yet we see them abroad in
both mind and place, drawn to the international affinities of music,
sport, and pharmaceuticals. Welsh has so far shown no sign of wanting to
escape the triple Scottishness of language, setting, and type; but the
Scotland he portrays is unimaginable without other criss-crossing elective
affinities, running counter to the claims of the nation. In
Glue, the nation is non-negotiable: a monument to modernity
that postmodern chancers can neither overcome nor gainsay. A book like
Glue, so full of the contradictions of international
culture, nevertheless appears as a local affirmation of Tom Nairn's global
formula: "Blessing and curse together, nationality is simply the fate of
modernity" (199).[8] Scotland,
its languages, its unknown destiny in the marketplace of nations and
ethnicities, is a fundamental ingredient in the "glue" that holds these
characters, and these pages, together. That we come to know such
stickiness by watching its interaction with various global solvents
shouldn't surprise us. Didn't the kids invent huffing? Didn't they know
what they were doing?
Department of English
University of Pennsylvania
matthart@english.upenn.edu
COPYRIGHT (c) 2002 BY MATTHEW HART.
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Notes
1. For example, Scottish football fans
are very proud of their public difference from English supporters,
especially when traveling abroad for international matches. While
domestic Scottish games have seen their fair share of violence (witness
Welsh's many pages on the über-hooligans of Edinburgh's Hibernian
FC) traveling fans of the Scottish national team have styled themselves as
the drunken but ultimately avuncular "Tartan Army." The booze and
military metaphors remain the same, but the relations between fans,
police, foreign and local governments, and national public sentiment are
quite different.
2. Contrast, for instance, the different
stances of English and Scottish political nationalists toward the
question of E.U. federation. For Scottish nationalists, the slogan
"Independence in Europe" represents the desire to root small-nation
autarky within transnational (constitutional, cultural, and
economic) structures and institutions. Current English nationalism is, on
the contrary, largely of the xenophobic, "Eurosceptic" kind. This
contemporary phenomenon is more interesting when considered next to Linda
Colley's argument that an Anglo-Scottish "British" identity was made
possible, in part, by the common threat to England and Scotland from
Napoleonic and Catholic France.
3. The first American edition of
Trainspotting (New York: Norton, 1996) printed a
glossary of Scottish phrases not included in the original UK edition
(London: Minerva, 1994). This troubles an interviewer for the U.S. online
magazine, Feed: "Reading Trainspotting, at first
you feel sort of alienated and distanced by the phonetic spellings, but
after about five pages you really get into it, the language. But when the
glossary of Scottish terms came out for the American edition it almost
seemed to turn that language into a gimmick for Americans." See O'Shea
and Shapiro's "RE:
Irvine Welsh: William O'Shea and Deborah Shapiro Talk to the Author of
Trainspotting about Populist Literature, the Drug Novel, and
Surviving the Millennium."
4. See Robert Crawford, Devolving
English Literature.
5. For example, Danny Boyle's 1996
Miramax film of Trainspotting becomes an international
success and a text of archetypal modern Scottishness, in part because of
its use of vernacular language; but the pop culture it does so much to
celebrate is marked by cosmopolitan eclecticism--equal parts Sean Connery
and Iggy Pop, with seemingly no tension between them. The movie of the
film gains much attention for its depiction of post-industrial Scotland,
partly because of the drug use, partly because of the language. But the
film's greatest marketing push comes from its brilliantly selected
soundtrack, full of English Brit-poppers, European dance music, and
American punk. Despite the insistently national focus of the press, the
demographic assumed by the soundtrack is definitively post-national in the
question of marketing and musical taste.
6. There is much to distinguish Welsh
from MacDiarmid, despite their common situation as writers made famous by
Scots and Scottishness; the generalized horizon of Smith's antisyzygy no
doubt obscures as much as it reveals. Nevertheless, they share a common
scabrous and antinomian quality, best found perhaps in a fuller version of
the above quotation. The narrator of MacDiarmid's A Drunk Man Looks
at the Thistle proudly declares that he will "ha'e nae hauf-way
hoose, but aye be whaur / Extremes meet--it's the only way I ken / To
dodge the curst conceit o' bein' richt" (87).
7. "Sherman" is one of Welsh's favorite
pieces of rhyming slang, a form of demotic that Edinburgh Scots have
perfected after the Cockney example. "Sherman" means "American," deriving
from "Sherman Tank," which rhymes, of course, with "Yank." Welsh's
rhyming slang invariably follows this kind of abbreviation and homophonic
substitution--arguably the defining characteristics of traditional rhyming
slang. The beauty of this argot lies in the distance between the
slang-word and its referent. Thus, "Manto" from "Mantovani," meaning "bit
of fanny."
8. For a useful critique of Nairn's
fatalistic conjunction of modernity and nationality, see Mulhern (58-61).
Works Cited
Buford, Bill. Among the Thugs. New York: Vintage, 1993.
Colley, Linda. Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837. New
Haven, CT: Yale UP, 1992.
Craig, Cairns, ed. The History of Scottish Literature, Vol 4:
Twentieth Century Scottish Literature. 4 Vols. Aberdeen: Aberdeen
UP, 1988.
Crawford, Robert. Devolving English Literature. Oxford:
Clarendon, 1992.
Gibbons, Fiachra. "Eight Years on from Trainspotting, Irvine
Welsh Pens the Sequel: Porno." The Guardian 22
Aug. 2001 <http://books.guardian.co.uk/news/articles/0,6109,540572,00.html>.
MacDiarmid, Hugh. Collected Poems, Vol. 1. 2 vols. Michael
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